How Will Trump Get Out of This War?

By Ismail Al Sharif

“We are in an advanced position, and we will decide when the war will end,” said Kazem Gharibabadi, Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister.

President Donald Trump, in coordination with the Zionist entity, is igniting a regional war with Iran which is an unprecedented event in the region. Analysis of the true motives behind this fateful decision vary. One school of thought believes the strategic objective lies in controlling Iranian oil wealth and containing growing Chinese influence. Another links this to the Epstein affair, based on claims of Zionist pressure threatening to expose him to sensitive information.

A third school believes that Trump is tied to political commitments made to Miriam Adelson, who generously funded his election campaign. Some go even further, alleging that Trump, known for his transactional negotiating style, received substantial financial compensation for engaging in this war. In a related context however, recent reports indicate that Trump himself has blamed his son-in-law, Jared Kushner, and several close advisors for instigating this latest military adventure.

Whatever the true motives behind igniting this war, one path seems almost certain to end it: Trump will hold a press conference declaring a unilateral and absolute victory. The precise timing of this declaration remains uncertain.

But the decision to cease hostilities does not rest with Trump alone; it is contingent upon the agreement of two other key parties: Tehran and Israel.

Israel shows no desire to end this war, as it is the primary beneficiary of its continuation. It systematically seeks to dismantle the structure of the Islamic Republic and sees no harm in the regime’s collapse leading to widespread chaos engulfing Iran and the entire region.

If Trump fails to restrain Netanyahu, the latter will not hesitate to continue his military operations even after any official American declaration of a ceasefire. This may explain why Trump declared that any settlement to end the conflict would only be possible with Netanyahu’s consent and explicit blessing.

However, the Zionist entity might feign acceptance of a ceasefire while its Mossad intelligence apparatus works behind the scenes to fuel separatist and rebellious sentiments among ethnic minorities within Iran, such as the Kurds and Balouchis, potentially threatening the cohesion of the Iranian state from within. In response, Tehran would have no choice but to continue targeting the entity, which would then retaliate swiftly, potentially drawing Trump back into a cycle of military confrontation.

Adding to Trump’s predicament is the possibility that he might ultimately declare a ceasefire unilaterally, without any fundamental change to the structure of the Iranian regime, and without extracting any genuine concessions from Tehran regarding halting uranium enrichment, dismantling its missile program, or severing its ties with regional allies—the very pretexts used to launch the war.

Even more dangerous is the fact that the Islamic Republic’s resilience and its emergence from this crisis with its system intact will make it a unique and exceptional model: The first country to challenge American hegemony and emerge unscathed. This could encourage other countries suffering under the weight of Trump’s policies or ambitions—such as Venezuela and Greenland—to adopt resistance as a path, even if they lack Iran’s military capabilities.

It seems to me that President Trump may be following in the footsteps of his predecessor, George W. Bush, when he famously declared victory in 2003 from the deck of the aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln, which was then—as it is today—at the eye of the American military storm. It is worth recalling here that Bush’s speech was a highly symbolic and premature declaration, one that was quickly contradicted by events, as the war on Iraqi soil continued for nearly a decade afterward.

The war has exhausted Iran and burdened it with immense hardships, making it seriously seek a cessation of hostilities. However, it simultaneously finds itself in direct confrontation with American will. Iranian officials have made it clear that any agreement to a ceasefire and the resumption of negotiations is contingent upon receiving firm guarantees from Washington and Tel Aviv that the aggression will not be repeated. Should Tehran manage to withstand and overcome this phase, it is likely to add to its list of demands one of which is the lifting of some of the sanctions imposed upon it.

Therefore, it appears that the Iranian strategy is essentially based on a policy of systematic attrition; simultaneously exhausting the United States and Israel by driving oil prices to high levels and closing the Strait of Hormuz, the world’s vital energy artery. This would impose heavy economic burdens that might ultimately compel Washington to reconsider its calculations and agree to a ceasefire.

In short, Trump will not be in a position to deliver a victory speech in the next week or two, and any such declaration without genuine cooperation from Israel and Iran will amount to nothing more than empty rhetoric devoid of any real substance on the ground. There is no doubt that President Trump has put himself, his country, and the entire region in a very complex strategic predicament, from which the way out may not be as easy as those who made the decision to go to war imagine.

This analysis was originally written in Arabic and reprinted in crossfirearabia.com

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‘This War is Not Hours’

By Dr Hasan Al Dajah

Events in the Middle East are accelerating, foreshadowing a comprehensive regional explosion. However, a deeper reading of the situation transcends the traditional narrative that attempts to portray the conflict as an “Arab-Iranian” or sectarian one that transcends borders. The reality emerging today from the rubble of burning military bases and oil facilities is clear: this war is not ours; it is a major strategic war led by Washington with direct Israeli planning, aimed at reshaping the region to serve absolute Western hegemony, even if the price is turning Arab capitals into arenas of destruction and settling scores in which we have no stake.

For years, the United States promoted the concept of “deterrence” and providing protection to allied countries in exchange for billions of dollars in arms deals and a massive military presence. However, Operation “True Promise 5” and the subsequent precise Iranian strikes have stripped away the fig leaf from these claims. Field reports indicate that US bases, once described as “impregnable fortresses,” have become vulnerable targets themselves, requiring protection. At Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar, damage to the AN/FPS-132 early warning radar and the AN/TPY-2 facility resulted in a near-total paralysis of surveillance capabilities.

In Bahrain, home to the Fifth Fleet, the destruction of satellite communications stations led to a loss of centralized control over naval vessels. In Kuwait and the UAE, the casualties and the destruction of F-15 fighter jets revealed that advanced US technology was incapable of countering waves of drones and missiles that disrupted even civilian air traffic and struck vital facilities at Jebel Ali Port, reducing military installations and oil depots to ashes.

This resounding failure raises a fundamental question about the viability of relying on a “security umbrella” that has failed to protect its own perimeter and has become a security burden, attracting attacks rather than repelling them. This is no longer mere political analysis; it has become a public admission emanating from the corridors of Washington. What Senator Lindsey Graham recently revealed represents the pinnacle of terrifying candor. He confirmed that the true agenda is not about spreading “democracy” or protecting allies, but rather about embroiling the Gulf States as the military front and human cannon fodder in a direct confrontation with Iran. This is a prelude to seizing oil wells and managing the region’s wealth for Washington’s benefit, thus paying the price for the American presence, while simultaneously imposing full normalization and strangling China’s energy lifeline.

The United States’ recent attempt to seek refuge in French bases in the UAE, such as Al Dhafra Air Base and Camp de la Paix, is nothing more than a desperate effort to spread losses and hide behind the European umbrella after the deterioration of the original American bases. However, even these shared bases have not been immune to attack.

The strikes have proven that any facility supporting Western operations is a legitimate target in this zero-sum confrontation. The effects of this war extend beyond the military arena, striking at the very heart of daily life. The threat to the Strait of Hormuz has triggered seismic repercussions in global markets. The price of a barrel of oil jumped to around $116, an increase of more than $38, while gas prices in Europe rose by more than €25, and oil shipping costs soared by over 90 per cent, foreshadowing an uncontrollable wave of global inflation.

The United States, which today expresses its “displeasure” at Israel exceeding expectations in striking Iranian fuel depots, is not acting out of a desire for peace, but rather out of fear that the economic game will backfire on it and on oil markets, which cannot withstand the loss of Gulf supplies, especially given the 11 per cent increase in gasoline prices in America and the 70 per cent increase in jet fuel prices. What is happening in Jebel Ali, Manama, Doha, and Kuwait is not a struggle to defend Arab sovereignty, but rather a settling of scores between major powers that want to use Arab land as a chessboard.

The American bases that are groaning today under the weight of the strikes have proven to be a “paper tiger” when it comes to protecting allies, and that their presence is nothing but a magnet for crises that drains Arab capabilities for the benefit of foreign agendas that do not take into account Arab national security.

Arab capitals must realize, before it’s too late, that the “illusion of protection” has completely evaporated under the weight of missiles and drones. To be drawn into Israel’s desire to destroy the region, and to accommodate American ambitions to seize energy resources to finance its expansionist policies, is strategic suicide by any measure.

This raging war is not our war, and staying out of the inferno of this manufactured conflict is the only way to ensure that our wealth and the future of our generations do not become fuel for the schemes of Netanyahu, Trump, and the war profiteers behind them.

The time has come to seriously seek a self-reliant regional security system, one that originates from within the continent and is based on the shared interests of the region’s countries, far removed from foreign bases that today lack even the most basic military effectiveness and have become a strategic burden that itself needs protection after its defensive vulnerabilities have been exposed.

False American promises only increase our subservience and dependence on a modern colonial project that sees Arabs as nothing more than insignificant figures on its debt list, or mere cheap tools in its proxy wars. The true protection of homelands begins today with disengaging from these destructive agendas, and with the explicit acknowledgment that bases that have failed to protect their own walls and platforms will never be a shield for others.

Hasan Al-Dajah, a Professor of Strategic Studies at Al-Hussein Bin Talal University, is a columnist in the Jordan Times.

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Ali Khamenei Killed in US-Israeli Strikes

Iran’s State Television officially announced, Sunday early morning, that Iran’s spiritual leader Ali Khamenei was killed in American-Israeli strikes on the country. The television stated the leader of the Islamic revolution was martyred in the continuous US-Israeli attacks that begun on Saturday. He was working at his office on the early hours of Saturday morning. Iran media also stated his daughter, her husband and granddaughter were also killed in the attacks.

Iran has declared a mourning period of 40 days.

This is an extended profile on the late rule from Anadolu.

The killing of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in Saturday’s joint US-Israeli strikes marks a watershed moment for the Islamic Republic, removing the figure who for more than three decades was the country’s ultimate political, military and ideological authority.

The 86-year-old cleric wielded power that extended across Iran’s armed forces, judiciary and foreign policy apparatus, with his decisions overriding those of presidents and parliament alike.

Since assuming leadership in 1989 following the death of the Islamic Republic’s founder Ruhollah Khomeini, Khamenei steered Iran through the aftermath of the Iran-Iraq war, crippling Western sanctions, diplomatic isolation, recurring domestic unrest and intensifying confrontation with Washington and Tel Aviv.

To supporters, he was the steadfast defender of Iran’s sovereignty against foreign pressure. To critics, he symbolized an uncompromising political system resistant to reform and dissent.

As supreme leader, he served as head of state and commander-in-chief, retaining final authority over the armed forces and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

Childhood, faith and early politics

Khamenei was born on April 19, 1939, in Mashhad in eastern Iran to a modest religious family. After completing primary education, he pursued Islamic studies at seminary in Mashhad before continuing with advanced theological training in Qom. He was also known for his deep interest in poetry and literature.

In the early 1960s, he joined Ayatollah Khomeini’s movement against Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. Beginning in 1963, he was repeatedly arrested by SAVAK, the Shah’s intelligence service, for organizing protests and distributing anti-regime literature, and spent several periods in exile.

As mass protests swept Iran in 1978-1979, weakening the monarchy, political prisoners and exiles returned to public life. Khamenei re-emerged in Mashhad and other cities, helping organize demonstrations and mobilize support for Khomeini’s revolutionary agenda.

Ascent and role as supreme leader

Following the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Khamenei joined the Revolutionary Council and quickly rose within the new political order. He served as deputy defense minister, Tehran’s Friday prayer leader, and a member of parliament.

In 1981, after the assassination of President Mohammad Ali Rajai, Khamenei was elected president, serving two consecutive terms until 1989. That same year, he survived an assassination attempt when a bomb hidden in a tape recorder exploded during a mosque speech, leaving his right arm permanently impaired.

After Khomeini’s death in June 1989, Iran’s Assembly of Experts appointed Khamenei as supreme leader, with constitutional revisions later formalizing the position at the apex of the political system.

Though initially viewed as a compromise choice, he gradually consolidated authority, strengthening the power of the supreme leader’s office over both executive and legislative branches. Under his leadership, Iran pursued a foreign policy centered on resisting US influence, expanding regional alliances and maintaining strategic deterrence.

Domestically, Iran’s politics moved between reformist and conservative currents. Reformist President Mohammad Khatami’s 1997 victory generated public optimism, but Khamenei constrained efforts to open Iran to the West. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s presidency aligned more closely with conservative priorities, though the disputed 2009 election triggered mass protests.

Later administrations navigated a complex balance between pragmatism and ideological rigidity. President Hassan Rouhani pursued diplomatic engagement, including nuclear negotiations, while conservative President Ebrahim Raisi aligned closely with Khamenei’s policies.

Khamenei’s tenure also saw repeated waves of unrest. In 2022, the death of Mahsa Amini in morality police custody sparked nationwide protests that exposed deep social grievances.

Protests erupted again in late 2025, initially against economic hardships but later spiraling into mass anti-regime demonstrations. The protests saw violent clashes and a government crackdown, with Iranian authorities confirming over 3,100 deaths, including both civilians and security personnel.

Nuclear program and negotiations

Iran’s nuclear program became one of the defining issues of Khamenei’s rule. As tensions escalated with Western powers, sweeping sanctions severely strained Iran’s economy.

In 2015, Tehran reached the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), curbing nuclear activities in exchange for sanctions relief. Khamenei approved negotiations but remained deeply skeptical of Washington. The deal unraveled after the US under President Donald Trump withdrew in 2018 and reinstated sanctions, prompting Iran to scale back compliance.

Khamenei’s death comes as Washington and Tehran were engaged in indirect nuclear negotiations. US demands reportedly included permanent restrictions on Iran’s nuclear capabilities and limits on enriched uranium stockpiles, while Iranian officials insisted they would not relinquish enrichment rights or ship stockpiles abroad and demanded sanctions relief.

Khamenei consistently framed Iran’s nuclear ambitions as peaceful while portraying sanctions as economic coercion. In one of his last social media posts on Feb. 17, he said nuclear energy is an “undeniable right” recognized under international guidelines and assailed US interference.

Palestine, regional alliances and the ‘Axis of Resistance’

Support for Palestinian statehood remained central to Khamenei’s worldview. Following Israel’s war on Gaza in October 2023, he intensified rhetoric against Israel and the US, urging countries to sever ties with Israel and calling for diplomatic isolation.

A key pillar of Iran’s strategy under Khamenei was backing regional allies, including Hezbollah in Lebanon and armed groups across Iraq and Yemen, as part of what Iranian officials describe as the “Axis of Resistance” — a network aligned against Israeli and US influence. The grouping also covers Palestinian factions including Hamas and the former Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad.

Confrontation with US and Israel

Khamenei remained a long-standing critic of US and Israeli policies, frequently portraying them as Iran’s principal adversaries. Regional tensions escalated after Israeli airstrikes on Iranian sites last year prompted retaliatory attacks by Tehran.

He repeatedly vowed that Iran would respond to Israeli actions and refused the prospect of negotiations with Tel Aviv, warning that Tehran would continue to resist its aggression.

At the same time, US and Israeli officials in recent weeks had renewed calls for political change in Iran, underscoring the intensity of the confrontation that framed the final period of Khamenei’s rule.

In a statement announcing Khamenei’s death, Trump said he “was unable to avoid our Intelligence and Highly Sophisticated Tracking Systems and, working closely with Israel, there was not a thing he, or the other leaders that have been killed along with him, could do.”

The US president also repeated his call for “the Iranian people to take back their Country.”

Khamenei’s death removes one of the most consequential figures in modern Middle Eastern politics — a leader who shaped Iran’s ideological identity, regional alliances and decades-long confrontation with the West.

The uncertainty now facing Tehran could prove as consequential as his rule, as Iran navigates leadership succession amid heightened regional tensions and fragile diplomatic efforts.

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‘Iran Ready For Diplomacy’

Iran is ready for diplomatic negotiations, the country’s foreign minister said Monday, as tension continues to rise between Tehran and Washington.

“We are ready for diplomacy, but diplomacy also has its own principles. I hope we will see results soon,” Abbas Araghchi said during a visit to the shrine of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the architect of Iran’s 1979 Revolution according to Anadolu.

“Iran’s enemies, who failed to achieve their goals,” whether through last year’s 12-day war or recent protests “have now turned to diplomacy.”

“These same parties are talking about diplomacy today, even though Iran has always been ready for this option, provided there is mutual respect and consideration of interests,” he added.

In June 2025, Israel, backed by Washington, launched a 12-day attack on Iran that targeted military and nuclear sites as well as civilian infrastructure and killed senior commanders and scientists. Iran responded by striking Israeli military and intelligence facilities with missiles and drones before the US announced a ceasefire.

Araghchi’s remarks came amid heightened tensions between Iran and the US, with the American military fleet reportedly heading toward the region, as announced by President Donald Trump.

Trump confirmed that a large US “armada” was en route to the region, warning Iran to enter negotiations over its nuclear program or face potential military action.

In recent days, there has been intense diplomatic activity, with several regional countries – including Turkiye – intervening to ease tensions between the two nations.

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Mideast on War Footing: Is US Strike on Iran Coming?

As US military assets continue to move into the Middle East, analysts warn that Washington is edging closer to a possible confrontation with Iran, weighing options that range from intensified economic pressure and a naval blockade to direct military action.

Recent developments have heightened fears that a US-led escalation could be imminent.

“It’s looking increasingly likely that with this buildup of military assets, President Donald Trump – and probably the Israelis – are preparing for a military escalation against the Iranians,” Ryan Bohl, a senior Middle East and North Africa analyst at the RANE Network, told Anadolu.

On Wednesday, Trump wrote on his social media platform Truth Social that a “massive armada” was heading toward Iran, expressing hope that Tehran would “come to the table” and negotiate with Washington. He warned that the fleet was prepared to “rapidly fulfill its mission with speed and violence, if necessary.”

Trump said the deployment was larger than the one previously sent toward Venezuela and confirmed that it is led by the USS Abraham Lincoln, one of the world’s largest aircraft carriers, which hosts electronic-warfare aircraft capable of disrupting Iranian radar systems.

The New York Times reported that the carrier strike group is accompanied by three warships equipped with Tomahawk cruise missiles, capable of long-range precision strikes. The US has also reportedly deployed around a dozen additional F-15E attack planes, along with Patriot and THAAD air-defense systems to protect against potential Iranian retaliation.

Steffan Watkins, a consultant specializing in tracking military ships and aircraft, said the US is also shipping supplies and deploying additional surveillance aircraft. “Preparations for operations targeting Iran appear to be underway,” he wrote Thursday on the American social media platform X.

“Time is running out,” Trump warned Iran, threatening that any future attack “will be far worse” than last year’s US strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities.

Although the rhetoric comes in the wake of Iran’s crackdown on protests, Bohl said Washington’s broader objective appears to be forcing changes in Iran’s foreign and security policies.

The goal is to see “if they can get Iran’s government to change its foreign policies, to give up on its missile program and its nuclear energy program,” he said.

Limited and targeted strikes

Analysts say one of the most likely military options under consideration is a campaign of limited, precision strikes targeting Iran’s military, missile and nuclear infrastructure.

“They could go after the missile program again – strike drones and missiles and manufacturing. They can try to destroy launchers, remains of Iran’s air force, some infrastructure related to the military-industrial complex,” Bohl told Anadolu.

During the 12-day war with Israel last June, the US struck three major Iranian nuclear facilities – Fordo, Natanz and Isfahan – using bunker-buster bombs, claiming the attacks crippled Iran’s nuclear program.

Bohl said it remains unclear whether Washington would allow Israel to initiate a new round of strikes or whether a joint US-Israeli campaign would unfold.

Another option, he added, would involve phased strikes rather than a single, overwhelming attack.

“We could be seeing a version of what we saw in Iraq back in the 1990s, where the US would strike Iraq, wait to see if that would create a concession process for the Iraqis and then strike again to try to again shift the Iraqis’ behavior,” he said. “And that could take weeks, even months to unfold.”

Blockade and attacks on infrastructure

Experts also suggested that the US might try to impose naval and aerial blockade on Iran.

“Imposing a new blockade on the Iranians and trying to seize their tankers like they did in Venezuela is escalatory,” Bohl said.

He added that Washington could also attempt to restrict Iranian airspace, limiting civilian flights in a bid to inflict economic damage.

“They could enhance their cyber campaign to try to cripple Iran’s infrastructure, particularly during this time where there’s still a lingering protest movement after those major crackdowns earlier this month,” he said. “So, disrupting infrastructure would also be a choice.”

The USS Abraham Lincoln Carrier Strike Group could also be used to intercept Iranian oil tankers leaving the Persian Gulf, he added.

However, Scott Lucas, a professor of international politics at the Clinton Institute at University College Dublin, cautioned that a blockade and seizure of Iranian vessels could be challenging.

“I think it would be very risky for the US to do what it’s done with Venezuela, which is to seize Iranian oil tankers,” he said.

“I think the prospect of that setting off a regional crisis is much greater, especially since Iran has the capacity to close off the Strait of Hormuz, and about 20% of the world’s oil supply goes through that waterway.”

Broad escalation and strikes on leadership

Analysts also warned that Washington could opt for a broader military campaign aimed at severely degrading Iran’s leadership and command structure.

“We are seeing reports that President Trump wants something ‘decisive,’ which is more of a major campaign to probably attack as many targets as possible and increasingly consider assassinations of top Revolutionary Guards and even some of the leadership like Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei,” said Bohl.

Such an approach could include attacks on senior commanders within the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, political leadership nodes, and command-and-control infrastructure, analysts said.

Experts warned that efforts aimed at full regime change would almost certainly provoke retaliation against US forces and allies across the Middle East.

Bohl added that Trump believes Iran’s deterrence has comprehensively failed, as their missiles and drones have not stopped previous attacks.

“He (Trump) may believe that Iran isn’t able to carry out those sorts of comprehensive strikes on energy infrastructure,” he said. “That would encourage him to go on into a larger and more substantial campaign.”

Targeted assassinations and covert operations

A more limited alternative would involve targeted assassinations and covert operations rather than an overt large-scale war.

While analysts largely rule out a full US ground invasion of Iran, Bohl said Trump has demonstrated a preference for deploying special forces on high-risk missions.

“President Trump ran on a platform of avoiding another Iraq war, but he is very commando-happy and he likes to use his special forces,” said Bohl.

Such operations could include the destruction of high-value military targets or the assassination of individuals linked to Iran’s missile, drone or nuclear programs, analysts said.

“They have targeted Iranian leaders in the past. They assassinated the leader of the Quds Force … Gen. Qasem Soleimani at the start of 2020,” Lucas explained.

Bohl also pointed to US actions in Venezuela and North Korea as examples of attempts to apply pressure through targeted operations rather than regime-wide campaigns.

However, Bohl said that a repeat of Venezuela, where Washington reaches an understanding with the regime and takes out key leaders, does not appear to be a “viable option” in the case of Iran.

More economic pressure

Iran’s economy continues to be heavily constrained by sanctions. Earlier this month, the US announced an additional 25% tariff on countries trading with Tehran and imposed new sanctions on vessels and companies accused of transporting Iranian oil.

Bohl said Washington may seek to further destabilize Iran economically in hopes of forcing it back to negotiations.

The idea is to crack Iran’s politics by causing more economic damage and pushing them toward what are essentially surrender terms, he said.

Iran is already grappling with a severe economic crisis, marked by the rapid devaluation of the rial, which helped trigger nationwide protests late last December.

Lucas, however, argued that additional sanctions may have limited effect without broad international support.

“I think the Trump folks can bluster a bit, but they really can only tighten sanctions if they have international action on the sanctions,” he said, adding that countries such as Russia and China are unlikely to support further pressure.


What comes next

Analysts said several indicators could signal whether the US is moving closer to escalation.

Bohl said warning signs include commercial airlines avoiding Iranian airspace, the evacuation of foreign embassies, travel advisories urging civilians to leave Iran, and Israeli authorities placing the population on heightened alert.

He added that the arrival of the USS Abraham Lincoln in the US Central Command area of responsibility significantly shortens the timeline for potential action.

Given that Iran has already been struck in previous confrontations and that tensions remain extremely high, any move could rapidly spiral.

“Because it is kind of an undeclared war between the two sides already, it could really turn on a dime and begin sudden escalation,” Bohl warned.

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