For the first time in 16 months pupils in Gaza are returning to schools despite the destruction of most of the educational system in Gaza.
The UN, Thursday, reported that more than 100,000 students have enrolled in schools across the Gaza Strip since the new academic year began Feb. 23.
“As of yesterday, more than 100,000 students have enrolled in school following the start of the new academic year on 23 February,” UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric said at a news conference as reported in Anadolu.
The “back-to-school” item is trending on the social media with much images of pupils and teachers return to what is left of their schools since Israel waged a genocidal war on the enclave soon after 7 October, 2023.
He stated that “to date, 165 public schools have reopened in Gaza. For most students, this will be their first time returning to in-person learning in 16 months.”
Available figures show 85% of schools in Gaza have been wrecked and no longer able to operate because of the Israeli bombardment.
The Gaza Media Office have reported at least 12,800 students, and 800 teachers and administrative staff, were killed, and 1,166 educational establishments destroyed in this Israeli war with estimating damage to the education sector at more than $2 billion.
Erkul’s illustrations blend satire with activism, highlighting injustice of the Palestinians. Whether addressing war, disaster, or political hypocrisy, Erkul’s art amplifies the voices of the silenced.
By Yusuf Kamadan
A slice of watermelon pierced by knives. A faceless figure in a suit, draped in the American flag, steering a cart off a cliff and into the flames. A set of scales, balancing Hitler on one side, Netanyahu on the other. A shapeless globe, caught in the grip of a monstrous, many-limbed octopus.
These are the unmistakable images of Muammer Erkul, the Turkish illustrator and journalist whose work—at once bold, unflinching, and darkly satirical—has spread widely across the social media. His drawings do not whisper; they speak loudly.
The satire is biting, but the implications are serious. At a time when many artists sidestep controversy, wary of political consequences, Erkul embraces it.
“I have an idea and I want to convey it to the other party. I want to pass on my feelings. One of the most effective ways to do this is to draw a cartoon,” he says.
His illustrations have become a kind of visual journalism, a counter-narrative to the political abstractions that often obscure the human cost of war.
With sharp lines and unflinching commentary, Erkul captures the resilience of Palestinians amid oppression.
Since the 1970s, Erkul has carved out a space for himself in Turkish newspapers and magazines, his work known for its wit, precision, and unrelenting social critique.
His drawings do not merely document suffering; they bear witness.
Scenes of bombed-out homes, grieving mothers, children clutching stones — his work captures the devastating realities of occupation while also portraying the quiet, stubborn resilience of a people who refuse to be erased.
“Millions of Palestinians have lost everything — their homes, their families, their lives,” Erkul says. “More than 150,000 bodies have been destroyed, and 50,000 of them have been martyred—most of them children and women.”
His words, much like his art, do not flinch from the brutal arithmetic of war. Beyond his artistic talent, Erkul has always used his work as a platform to address important issues.
Erkul’s art merges satire with activism, amplifying the voices of the oppressed through powerful imagery.
Why cartoons?
For Erkul, caricature is more than just a humorous art form; it is a means of resistance.
“Caricature is the easiest and most effective way to explain some things,” Erkul says. “A cartoon is drawn in a day and understood in an instant. It’s like the longest-range missile, and it sticks to its target.”
In an age of social media, where information moves at a breakneck pace, this immediacy is crucial. A single drawing, shared widely, can cut through the noise in ways that editorials and essays often cannot.
“I have an idea, and I want to convey it,” he says simply. “One of the most effective ways to do this is to draw a cartoon.”
Erkul has long been engaged in magazine publishing, serving as the editor-in-chief of Divanyolu, a cultural and literary magazine, until 2018.
Following the devastating 2023 earthquake, he shared his artwork on social media and made it freely available to magazines, believing that art can serve as a powerful tool for remembrance.
Reflecting on the disaster, Erkul described it as one of the most catastrophic earthquakes in history, emphasising its unprecedented scale and impact.
He recalled the initial shock and fear that gripped him, along with the overwhelming sense of helplessness. Wanting to contribute in a meaningful way, he turned to his art, realizing that while the disaster would eventually fade from public memory, visual documentation could ensure that future generations would not forget.
Early in his career, his cartoons blended humor with cultural commentary, but over time, his focus sharpened, his pen increasingly turned toward the struggles of the Palestinian people.
A single cartoon can convey what words cannot — Erkul’s work strikes at the heart of injustice with visual precision.
“Art is not neutral; it must take a side”
Erkul is not just chronicling injustice, he is building solidarity.
His illustrations are not just critiques; they are rallying cries. Erkul’s work does more than capture the suffering of Palestinians — it interrogates the machinery that sustains it.
His cartoons often expose the uneasy entanglements between Western nations and Israeli aggression.
“Everyone knows the closeness of the US and Israel,” he says. “But never in any period of history has this secret game been played so openly. It’s a chicken-and-egg story — an Israeli egg hatches from an American chicken, an American chick hatches from an Israeli egg, grows up, and lays Israeli eggs again.”
He believes artists have a responsibility to engage, to use their platforms to amplify the struggles of the voiceless. In his view, art is not neutral. It must take a side.
For Erkul, that side has always been clear: art is not just a means of entertainment; it is an act of defiance against injustice.
Art is not neutral; Erkul uses his pen as a tool of defiance against global injustice.
In his view, every artist has a responsibility to stand for justice and use their craft to fight against oppression.
His work is particularly significant in an era where digital media spreads messages rapidly, ensuring that his depictions of Palestinian suffering and resilience reach a global audience.
His legacy is not just one of artistic achievement, but of moral conviction.
His pen, like the voices of Palestinian poets, filmmakers, and musicians, is a tool for preserving memory, for fighting erasure. He firmly believes that the more artists engage with these issues, the stronger the message becomes.
“The more cartoonists and artists we have, the stronger our ideas will be,” he says.
With the approach of the Cairo Summit to discuss the Palestinian issue and the reconstruction of Gaza, Arab leaders find themselves facing three main scenarios to make decisive decisions that determine the future of Gaza and the fate of the Palestinians the day after the cessation of the war. The dilemma is no longer limited to reconstruction only but also includes the political and administrative arrangements that ensure the stability of the sector and prevent the recurrence of the devastating conflict.
From the American side, it seems that the Trump administration is adopting a more stringent approach, as it recently stated the necessity of displacing Palestinians from Gaza as a “solution” to ensure regional security, which reflects its traditional position biased towards Israel and complicates any Arab efforts to find an independent solution for the sector.
This American position raises great concerns in Arab and international circles, given the disastrous consequences it carries for the Palestinians and the entire region, especially in light of the widespread international rejection of forced displacement policies.
The first scenario involves adopting a comprehensive regional solution led by Arabs, aiming to place Gaza under temporary Arab administration, which may include Egypt and perhaps some Gulf states, in coordination with the Palestinian Authority. In this scenario, a transitional body would be established to administer the Strip, which would undertake reconstruction operations, organize basic services, and reorganize the security situation in a way that prevents the recurrence of the conflict.
This body could also work to pave the way for comprehensive Palestinian elections to be held later, so that Gaza would be part of a unified Palestinian entity.
This temporary administration would work to restructure institutions within the Strip, ensure the regular provision of health and education services, and rehabilitate infrastructure damaged by the war. It would also undertake the tasks of securing the crossings and ensuring the flow of humanitarian aid, while imposing strict control to prevent the infiltration of any elements that might contribute to destabilization.
It is expected that the contributing Arab states would have different roles, as Egypt could handle security aspects, while the Gulf states would contribute to financing and reconstruction. This option requires Arab and international consensus, as well as internal Palestinian acceptance, which may be difficult in light of the differences between the factions.
Israel may not view this scenario favorably, as it strengthens the Arab role in Gaza and limits its influence there. In addition, the success of this scenario depends on the Arabs’ ability to impose a unified vision and work to reduce external interventions that may hinder this solution. Ultimately, this scenario remains a realistic option, but it is fraught with challenges that require active diplomacy and strong political will.
As for the second scenario, it is to support the restructuring of the Palestinian Authority and grant it full control over Gaza after reaching internal understandings with the various factions, including Hamas. In this framework, the security services are integrated into a unified framework under the supervision of the Authority, and the administrative institutions are unified, with an Arab and international commitment to provide financial and logistical support to ensure the success of this transition.
One of the main pillars of this scenario is rebuilding trust between the various Palestinian factions, which requires intensive efforts from regional and international mediators, especially Egypt and the United Nations. This proposal also requires providing guarantees that the faction leaders will not be targeted or excluded from the political scene, which necessitates establishing a joint governance mechanism for a transitional period.
This scenario depends primarily on the ability of the Palestinian Authority to impose its effective control over the Strip, which is doubtful, especially in light of the deep differences between the West Bank and Gaza, and the lack of trust between the Palestinian parties.
In addition, Hamas’s acceptance of this proposal may be conditional on effective participation in governance, which may not be acceptable to Israel or some regional powers. Moreover, this solution faces obstacles related to the extent of the international community’s ability to commit to funding reconstruction, and to ensuring that Israel does not obstruct any efforts aimed at strengthening the Palestinian Authority’s control over the Strip.
The third scenario, which may be the most complex, is to impose an international solution under the auspices of the United Nations, whereby international peacekeeping forces are deployed to oversee the administration of Gaza for a transitional period, during which the Strip is rebuilt, and the political conditions are prepared to find a comprehensive Palestinian settlement.
In this scenario, the infrastructure is rehabilitated, security guarantees are provided to prevent the outbreak of new confrontations, while the way is opened for an internal Palestinian dialogue under international auspices to reach an agreement on the future of governance in Gaza.
This scenario also includes international supervision of the rehabilitation of civilian institutions in Gaza, ensuring the distribution of aid, and preventing the use of resources in any military activities that may lead to a renewal of the conflict.
It could also contribute to reactivating the peace process between the Palestinians and the Israelis through an international mechanism that ensures the implementation of any understandings reached.
However, this option faces several obstacles, most notably the rejection by some Palestinian forces of any direct international intervention in Palestinian affairs, and Israel may refuse to deploy international forces near its borders, preferring to keep Gaza under siege or in a state of instability that keeps it weak and unable to pose a security threat.
Moreover, any international intervention will require consensus among the major powers, which may be difficult to achieve in light of global political tensions. Each of these scenarios carries its own challenges, and the optimal choice remains linked to the extent of the Arabs’ ability to unify their positions and make bold decisions that go beyond narrow political calculations.
The main challenge lies in reaching a solution that spares Gaza further destruction, establishes a new phase of stability and development, and ensures that the Palestinian issue is not exploited in regional conflicts. The question remains: Will the Cairo Summit be able to overcome Arab differences and present a unified vision to save Gaza and its future?
Hasan Dajah is professor of Strategic Studies at Al-Hussein Bin Talal University
Mohammed Abu Tawila is one of many Palestinians who went through extreme conditions in Israeli jails. Recently released, Abu Tawila says Israeli jailers poured acid and other chemicals on his body during an interrogation.
Abu Tawila was kidnapped from Gaza and subjected to severe beatings, including punching him in the eye.
He was tortured with chemical substances, including chlorine, dishwashing liquid, laundry detergent, soap, and air fresheners.
“They were ignited on my body for three days.”
“My eye was included [in the torture]. One of them would keep punching me in the eye, while wearing gloves with something tough, that resembled bone,” he recounts.
Abu Tawila would later collapse on the rubble due to the severe beating.
Once the Israeli soldiers saw how his body had reacted to the acid attack and other chemicals, they transferred him to the occupied West Bank.
Abu Tawila remained in the hospital for a few weeks before his transfer to the notorious Ofer military prison.
“Of course, there was also torture in the occupied territories, from beatings, to insults and humiliation, not to mention hunger and sitting in the cold.”
“They [Israeli guards] would release dogs on us, storm in and beat us inside, tie our hands, and take us outside to the prison yards.”
“They would also kick us, causing our faces to swell and bleed,” Abu Tawila recounts.
In a recent post on X, Israel’s far-right politician Itamar Ben Gvir shared a video showing the abuse and humiliation of Palestinians in the Keziot prison, located in the Negev desert.
In the clip, a detainee can be seen kneeling and painting the prison walls, while an Israeli guard stands over him, pointing a weapon in his direction.
Several other prisoners are shown kneeling and facing the opposite wall.
Testimonies also describe regular beatings by guards, extreme overcrowding, humiliation and inadequate hygiene.
In early August 2024, the Israeli rights group B’Tselem accused Israeli authorities of systematically abusing Palestinians in “torture camps,” subjecting them to severe violence and sexual assault.
Human rights organizations say Israel continues to violate all rights and freedoms granted to prisoners by the Fourth Geneva Convention and international laws.
Dozens of Palestinians killed in Israeli detention
In a statement released on Tuesday, the Palestinian Prisoners Society (PPS) said at least 59 Palestinians held by Israel have lost their lives since October 2023.
The PPS said 38 people of the group are from the Gaza Strip.
The PPS accused the Israeli authorities of hiding the death of scores of Palestinian prisoners in detention.
Separately, the Commission of Detainees’ Affairs confirmed that Musab Hani Haniyeh was the latest victim who died in Israeli custody according to PressTV.
Haniyeh, 35, from the southern city of Khan Yunis, was abducted on March 3, 2024. His family said Haniyeh was in good health before his detention.
More than 14,500 Palestinians have been kidnapped by Israeli forces across the occupied West Bank since October 2023. Dozens of them have died in detention in recent months.
Military and strategic expert Nidal Abu Zeid said that the Netanyahu government increases the intensity of its media discourse between threats and intimidation after each prisoner exchange to cover up its failure in its war on Gaza. He said however, that the intensity of the statements swing low with the approach of the delivery of a new batch of prisoners. He added this is met with calm and stability in the media discourse of the Palestinian resistance, which relies on actions, not words.
Abu Zeid added to Jordan 24 that postponing the release of the seventh batch of Palestinian prisoners at a time when the resistance committed itself to releasing the bodies and its prisoners clearly shows the state of political schizophrenia and confusion the Netanyahu government is suffering from in front of the Israeli street and the world after the scenes and messages of the resistance during the prisoner handover operations.
The military expert indicated the Israeli intransigence in not committing to releasing the Palestinians from prisons will not last long. He expected the seventh batch of Palestinian prisoners will be released before the end of this week.
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