Israel Soldiers Shoot, Kill Baby in Hebron

A 7-month-old Palestinian infant was killed Friday and his parents wounded when the Israeli army shot at the family’s car in the Tel Rumeida area in the southern occupied West Bank, according to the Palestinian Health Ministry.

It said the Israeli army killed Sam Abu Haikal and that his father, Fahd Abdul Aziz Abu Haikal, a lecturer at Bethlehem University, lived with his wife and son in Bethlehem.

The shooting took place while Abu Haikal was on his way to his mother’s house in the Tel Rumeida neighborhood in central Hebron.

Israeli soldiers fired live ammunition, wounding the father in his hand. His wife was also wounded by the same bullet, which pierced the jaw of their infant son. All three were taken to the hospital.

The occupied West Bank has witnessed escalating Israeli military raids, arrests and settlement expansion since the start of Israel’s war on the Gaza Strip in October 2023 according to Anadolu.

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Memorizing The 1967 War Defeat!

By Dr Khairi Janbek

What can one say about the defeat of 1967 war, more than what the experts, the memoirs, and the active participants in it have said and written already, save from the eyes and ears of a child; for after all one was a child at the time and one must admit that growing up with defeat did have profound effect on one’s developing personality.

As it happened, in fact we were on a family holiday driving to Turkey when we heard the first actions in the war. By the time we crossed Damascus towards the north, the car radio was blasting with the advances made by the Arab armies on the path towards liberating Palestine.

However, by the time we reached an area close to the Syrian-Turkish border somewhere near Jabla in Syria, we discovered the the border was closed on the Syrian side and people including my late father were stuck around the big radio in the small roadside hotel talking about the destruction of the Israeli military forces, and the remarks that in a couple of days, Israel will cease to exist,

But low and behold, after a few days and by the time the border was opened, Egypt had lost Sinai, Syria, the Golan Heights, and Jordan the West Bank and Jerusalem; the jewel in the crown.

The car was tense, and for the first time I was disappointed, not because of the news of defeat rather, rather because I was no longer the centre of attraction for the family. As we entered Iskenderun in Turkey, a couple of young men crossing the streets, seeing our car number plate in Arabic, spat on the ground and said in Turkish; Pis Arap, meaning dirty Arab.

I didn’t undrestand Turkish at the time, until my father smiled bitterly and said, so we have just become dirty Arabs. In the small hotel in Iskenderun owned by a generous Armenian family, they brought us their transistor which could catch Syrian broadcasts and heard my father saying Nasser has resigned, and I was wondering how could he do that. For me, Nasser’s image was a cross between a king and an idol football player.

By the time we reached Ankara, it was all over. We were nothing in the eyes of the Turks at the time, but lying impotent Arabs. As the years passed, maturity set in as a strong slap in the face, with my childhood’s main scar left inside me, engulfing me with doubt, and disbelief, not only regarding what I now hear but also in what I see: with Arab politics to me, becoming just a mixture of cynicism, blatant lies, and regimes self-preservation.

The disaster from top to bottom was, unqualified military officers in Egypt, only accustomed to internal security and privileges were punching above their weight and carrying ranks which were above their undrestanding of warfare. Their ignorance was stark obvious when they knew about the attack and opted for absorbing the first blow before counter-attacking, not knowing they’ll have nothing left to counter with.

Jordan was squeezed between the hammer and the anvil diplomatically, though there were voices among the statesmen at the time urging not to participate in the impending whilst recognizing the perils, yet the decision to participate in the war and opening the Jordanian couldn’t be avoided because first of all the belief in Nasser’s victory held sway among the people, and secondly, to imagine an Arab defeat would not spare Jordan who will be blamed for this defeat due to the lack of giving support in the war.

In the case of Syria, how could an army in which the first officer who wakes up before the others and carries out a coup d’état, fight a war; and how could an army in which a general has to walk behind the coup d’état lower ranks whom are only concerned about preserving their own hold on power, conduct warfare? In fact the fall of the Golan Heights was declared by the Syria representative in the UN, 36 hours before it actually fell. And why was this? All in aid for withdrawing the army to protect Damascus.

Has anything changed? Everything has changed so that nothing changes!

Dr Janbek is a Jordanian writer based in Paris, France

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Open War: 1967 Naksa Remembered

Every year on 5 June, Palestinians and Arabs remember the 1967 war, known as the Naksa (Setback).

This is a pivotal turning point in the history of the Palestinian cause. The war ended with the Israeli occupation of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip, the Syrian Golan Heights and the Egyptian Sinai Peninsula.

This year it is the 59th anniversary of that terrible war. But the Israeli appatitite for aggression continues. Apart from its genocide on Gaza Israel has moved ahead with its settlement construction, arrests, with its military operations in the West Bank are escalating. It reflects the ongoing repercussions of the Naksa and the occupation policies that have entrenched military control and prevented a just settlement to the Palestinian question.

Six-Day War – Decades of Occupation

The war began at dawn on 5 June, 1967, with a massive Israeli air attack targeting Arab airfields and military bases. Six days later, it ended with the occupation of the remaining Palestinian territories, in addition carving up parts of Syria and Egypt.

The war’s consequences didn’t stop at altering geographical borders but also paved the way for an expansionist settlement project based on land confiscation, displacement of residents, and the imposition of new realities on the ground. These acts were in continuous violation of international law and UN resolutions that demanded an end to the occupation and withdrawal from the occupied territories.

International Resolutions: Ink on Paper

The war was followed by a series of international resolutions, most notably UN Security Council Resolution 242, which called for Israel’s withdrawal from the territories it occupied in 1967. However, the occupation continued its settlement expansion and the imposition of a fait accompli, ignoring repeated international demands to end the occupation and the respect for international law.

Over the following decades, settlements transformed from limited projects into a vast network that spread throughout the West Bank and occupied Jerusalem, undermining the prospects for establishing an independent and geographically contiguous Palestinian state.

Displacement and Settlements: Policy Since the 1967 War

The 1967 war led to the displacement of about 300,000 Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Displacement policies, land confiscation, and settlement expansion continued at an escalating pace in the years since.

Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics data shows of the existence of 645 Israeli settlement sites and military bases in the West Bank as of the end of 2025, including 151 settlements and 350 outposts.

The number of settlers also rose to 778,567 by the end of 2024, while the Israeli occupation authorities continuing to seize Palestinian land and expand their settlement projects, despite their illegality under international law.

Oslo: Political Process Stalled…

The Oslo Accords in 1993 marked a significant political milestone, stipulating a transitional phase to pave the way for the establishment of an independent Palestinian state. However, the continued expansion of Israeli settlements and the imposition of facts on the ground have weakened the prospects for the success of the political process.

With successive Israeli governments, the chances for a settlement gradually diminished, and political negotiations stalled since 2014, amidst Palestinian accusations that Israel is using negotiations as a cover to continue settlement construction and seize more land.

Palestinians believe that successive Israeli policies have emptied the settlement process of its substance by reneging on signed commitments and refusing to implement the political obligations related to ending the occupation and establishing a Palestinian state.

A Military System Governing Every Detail of Palestinian Life

Following the occupation of the Palestinian territories in 1967, Israel imposed a system of military orders that granted it broad control over all aspects of life, from managing land and natural resources to arrests, trials, and civil laws.

The occupation authorities issued dozens of military orders that reshaped the legal system in the occupied territories, while military courts continued to try Palestinians according to procedures that international human rights organizations refuse to consider compliant with international standards of justice.

Prisoner support organizations also confirm that more than one million Palestinians have been arrested since 1967, while approximately 9,500 prisoners and detainees are currently held in Israeli prisons.

War on Gaza: An Extension of a Long Conflict

Palestinians believe that the ongoing war on the Gaza Strip, which began in October 2013, represents an extension of the occupation’s policies based on the use of military force and the imposition of facts on the ground by force, far removed from any political solutions that would end the conflict.

The war resulted in tens of thousands of martyrs and wounded, most of them women and children, in addition to thousands missing and widespread destruction of infrastructure and civilian facilities.

In the West Bank, raids, arrests, and settlement expansion continued, leading to the martyrdom of 1,168 Palestinians, injury of 12,666 others, the arrest of approximately 23,000, and the displacement of 33,000.

The Naksa Anniversary: ​​A Reality Persisting for 59 Years

Fifty-nine years after the June 1967 war, the effects of the Naksa remain present in the Palestinian landscape, through the continuation of the occupation, settlement activity, land confiscation, displacement of residents, and the stalled political settlement process.

As the anniversary is commemorated this year amidst the war in Gaza and the escalation of violence in the West Bank, Palestinians emphasize that the core of the conflict remains linked to the ongoing occupation and Israel’s refusal to implement international resolutions and fulfill its obligations. This has kept the Palestinian cause open to further crises and tensions over the past decades. Palestinian Information Center

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Israeli Soldiers: ‘…We Had to Kill Arabs’

Newly disclosed testimonies by Israeli soldiers and archival documents published by Israeli newspaper Haaretz have shed new light on the displacement of Palestinians and Syrians during and after the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, with accounts describing killings, expulsions, destruction of villages and widespread looting.

The investigation, published ahead of the 59th anniversary of the war and authored by Adam Raz, a researcher at the Akevot Institute for Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Research, is based on previously unpublished soldiers’ testimonies, military records, government correspondence and archival material.

According to the report, approximately 300,000 Arabs were expelled or displaced from the West Bank, Gaza Strip and the occupied Syrian Golan Heights during and after the June 1967 war.

Haaretz said many of the testimonies originated from discussions held among Israeli soldiers in kibbutzim, Israel’s collective farming communities, shortly after the war. While some excerpts later appeared in the influential 1967 book, The Seventh Day: Soldiers Talk about the Six-Day War, numerous accounts describing alleged war crimes remained unpublished for decades.

Several testimonies cited by the newspaper describe killings of prisoners, civilians and refugees. One soldier was quoted as saying: “At first I wasn’t willing to execute Arabs who weren’t resisting. Then we came to the conclusion that we had to kill.”

Another soldier described operations in Gaza after the war, saying: “Human lives didn’t matter. You could kill, there was no law. No one would say a word to you.”

A third testimony referred to what the soldier described as “punitive expeditions” in Gaza’s refugee camps. “We caught guys, lined them up and eliminated them. In retrospect, it looks like murder,” he said.

Shoot-at-sight orders for West Bank returnees

The report also cites testimonies and archival documents alleging that Israeli forces were ordered to prevent Palestinians who had fled across the Jordan River from returning to the West Bank after the fighting ended.

According to Haaretz, soldiers received instructions to shoot people attempting to cross back into the territory.

The newspaper cited testimony later published by former Israeli lawmaker Uri Avnery, who quoted a soldier as saying troops had received orders to “shoot, to kill, without prior warning.”

Another soldier recalled questioning whether such orders applied even if families with children were crossing the river. According to the testimony, he asked: “If I hear babies crying, should I shoot then too?” and was told: “Don’t be a girl.”

Haaretz said military records indicated that by early September 1967, nearly 150 Palestinians had been killed while attempting to return from Jordan. The newspaper also cited statements by senior Israeli military officials acknowledging the existence of orders aimed at preventing refugee returns.

According to the investigation, displacement during the war was not solely the result of battlefield conditions. The report cites government discussions and military documents suggesting that senior Israeli political and military leaders viewed the departure of Arab residents as desirable and, in some cases, encouraged or facilitated it.

Among the most prominent examples highlighted by the report was the expulsion of residents from the Latrun villages of Imwas, Yalo and Beit Nuba west of Jerusalem. The villages were captured during the war and their approximately 8,000 residents were ordered to leave, according to the investigation.

Haaretz reported that the villages were subsequently demolished and their inhabitants prevented from returning. The area later became the site of Canada Park.

‘Population transfer’

The newspaper also cited testimony from Ishai Amrami, a deputy battalion commander during the war, who later described what he witnessed as “an attempt at massive population transfer.”

The investigation further details events in Qalqilya and other communities near the Green Line, where residents were allegedly encouraged or forced to leave through military pressure, loudspeaker announcements, transportation arrangements and destruction of homes.

According to the report, tens of thousands of Palestinians also fled or were displaced from refugee camps in the Jericho area and elsewhere in the West Bank. Many carried memories of the 1948 Nakba and feared another permanent displacement.

The report revisits events in Gaza as well, where soldiers described raids, arrests and killings in refugee camps after the war. One soldier was quoted as saying: “We would roam through refugee camps in Gaza and carry out purges.”

Another testimony stated: “Every man we saw was a combatant,” while acknowledging that civilians may also have been among those killed.

Beyond the Palestinian territories, Haaretz reported that approximately 120,000 Syrians left or were expelled from the Golan Heights after Israeli forces captured the territory from Syria.

The newspaper cited military documents and testimonies indicating that villages in the Golan Heights were later demolished to prevent residents from returning. According to the report, Israeli commander Elad Peled later described a decision to bring in bulldozers and destroy villages “so there would be nowhere to return.”

Haaretz also cited reports submitted by Syria to the United Nations and records from the International Committee of the Red Cross alleging intimidation, forced displacement, looting and destruction of civilian property in the occupied territory.

Israel warned of legal repercussions

The investigation further describes what it says was widespread looting in areas captured during the war. According to the report, soldiers, civilians and local authorities participated in the removal of property from Palestinian and Syrian homes, schools, businesses and public institutions.

Among the documents cited is a previously unpublished 1967 letter by Theodor Meron, then legal adviser to Israel’s Foreign Ministry. According to Haaretz, Meron warned that expulsions of civilians constituted “a serious violation of the Geneva Convention” and could create diplomatic complications for Israel.

The report says Israeli officials were aware of legal concerns surrounding the expulsions but nevertheless approved measures aimed at preventing displaced populations from returning and consolidating control over newly occupied territories.

The Six-Day War began on June 5, 1967, and ended with Israel capturing the West Bank, East Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip, the Sinai Peninsula and the Golan Heights. While Israel later returned Sinai to Egypt under the 1979 peace treaty, it continues to occupy the West Bank and the Golan Heights.

For Palestinians, the conflict is remembered as the Naksa, or setback, which triggered a new wave of displacement nearly two decades after the 1948 Nakba and remains a defining event in collective Palestinian memory. Anadolu

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